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 chris.macrae@yahoo.co.uk writes from Washington DC, 2020 Spring -Dad, Norman Macrae, survived being a teen navigating airplanes in ww2 over moderday Bangladesh.His life's work at The Economist through lae 1940s to early 1990s helped it grow from 3rd ranked weekly british journal to unique global viewspaper.

Dad was a Smithian, like The Economist's 1843 founder James Wilson. Both challenged any leader they could reach- do you love other nations people's children enough to help them connect man and machine entrepreneurially to end poverty out of every community?

And if you don't do you really expect nature will continue sustaining human beings once 6 decades moore tech from that needed for moon landing have made us all highly interconnected. In the table below you can find the 20 biggest questions Macrae mediated out of The Economist and with 1984 fieldbook 2025 report timelining exponential opportunities and threats co-authored by son chris macrae

In right column other experiential learning  projects from macrae's archives and closest friends including bio of john von neumann and how norman's last research projectsponsored many graduate journalists to visit bangladesh 15 times from 2007 to death of fazle abed in 2019.

2:16NOW PLAYING

Our coalition purpose in support of UN sustainability golals and rising digital exponentials :  action debriefing space to linkin every adam smithian alumni in scotland and worldiwde who optimitically values the 265 years of exploring man and machines started by glasgow U's smith and watt in 1760. By 2025, celebrate (m)apping a world sustaining every next child born  .. those responsible for man made systems scaling globally must BE ACCOUNTABLE FOR exponential impacts can only spiral to 2 opposite ends -as HG Wells opined- civilisation is a relentless race between education and catastrophe..

 

 coming soon table with macrae's top 20 Q&A to Economist leaders

 here's chapter from 1984's report on why sustainability 2025 depends on sea-change in education and true media

 oil and carbon energy the future of peoples in 190+ nations versus saudi, usa, russia and arctic cirle- this circular coastal belt are where energies new and old fuse globally- and likely will determine climate sustaiability 

 health when one country usa spends 20% on health services and does a scarily worse job fot the ordinary person than eg korea that spends hals as much - why dont epensive nations benchmark quality onesmassive media new and old- money spent on media is hundred times more than 1945- when does beingentertained reach an unbearble cost for youtharms trade - we wish this was down instead of up obese food and drink   
        
260 years ago adam smith and james watt glasgow university started mapping age of machines and mans from uk to west- how to winwin with east cast usa then usa south, then usa north, then west the acrooss to japan and islands if far east the asian mainland
today in 2020 can we agree on how peopes of 200 nations have needs that are prirtitised by geograhpy as well as worldwide challenges such as virus
 
one group of nations is largest in number, smallest in population and land resources ie the 50 small island developing nations
 
another group is all nations sharng the arctic circle - if world is going to trabsition safely (withut ocean meltdown its these natins who influenceboth arbon and green markets - how do they unite this sectirs sdg transformation
another group is17 plus 1- one of the first groups to have an online mapping debate in the virus online world- hee is part of summary thanks to wilson center
br17p1.JPG 
Empty shell no more:
China’s growing footprint in
Central and Eastern Europe
POLICY PAPER
IVANA KARÁSKOVÁ, ALICJA BACHULSKA,
ÁGNES SZUNOMÁR, STEFAN VLADISAVLJEV,
UNA ALEKSANDRA BĒRZIŅA-ČERENKOVA,
KONSTANTINAS ANDRIJAUSKAS, LIISI KARINDI,
ANDREEA LEONTE, NINA PEJIĆ, FILIP ŠEBOK

Empty shell no more:
China’s growing footprint in
Central and Eastern Europe
POLICY PAPER
IVANA KARÁSKOVÁ, ALICJA BACHULSKA, ÁGNES SZUNOMÁR, STEFAN VLADISAVLJEV,
UNA ALEKSANDRA BĒRZIŅA-ČERENKOVA, KONSTANTINAS ANDRIJAUSKAS, LIISI KARINDI,
ANDREEA LEONTE, NINA PEJIĆ, FILIP ŠEBOK
EMPTY SHELL NO MORE: CHINA’S GROWING FOOTPRINT
IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE
Policy paper
April 2020
Editor – Ivana Karásková
Authors – Konstantinas Andrijauskas, Alicja Bachulska, Una Aleksandra Bērziņa-Čerenkova,
Ivana Karásková, Liisi Karindi, Andreea Leonte, Nina Pejić, Ágnes Szunomár, Filip Šebok,
Stefan Vladisavljev
Citation – Karásková, I., Bachulska, A., Szunomár, A., Vladisavljev, S. (eds.) (2020).
Empty shell no more: China’s growing footprint in Central and Eastern Europe.
Prague, Czech Republic, Association for International Affairs (AMO).
Handbook for stakeholders – To access the handbook for stakeholders stemming from this report,
please refer to the electronic version which can be found online at www.chinaobservers.eu.
The publication was prepared within the China Observers in Central and Eastern Europe
(CHOICE) collaborative platform. CHOICE monitors and evaluates the rising influence of the
People’s Republic of China in countries of Central and Eastern Europe which participate in
the China-proposed 17+1 initiative. CHOICE strives to build a multinational platform for open
discussion, experience-sharing and critical assessment. CHOICE is run by the Association for
International Affairs (AMO), a Prague-based foreign policy think tank and NGO. The preparation
of this paper was supported by a grant from National Endowment for Democracy (NED).
Typesetting – Zdeňka Plocrová
Print – Vydavatelství KUFR, s.r.o. – tiskárna
ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (AMO)
Žitná 27/608
CZ 110 00 Praha 1
Tel.: +420 224 813 460
info@amo.cz
www.amo.cz
© AMO 2020
ISBN 978-80-87092-72-9 (print version)
ISBN 978-80-87092-71-2 (pdf version)
Table of Contents
Summary 7
Recommendations 9
Engaging China in 17+1: Outline of ACT strategy 11
1. Political relations: Beyond proclamations 14
Bilateral relations: Different trajectories 18
Let’s party, comrades: Local political parties’ relations with CCP 23
Sub-national, underestimated? A booming component of 17+1 cooperation 26
Cutting-edge, or driving a wedge: Is 17+1 dividing Europe? 30
China in CEE politics: Conclusion and recommendations 32
2. Economic relations: A sugar cane, or a sugar-coated stick? 35
Not so special: Modest impact of 17+1 on trade relations 35
We are the champions: V4 countries and China’s foreign direct investments 42
All roads lead to China: Cooperation in infrastructure and connectivity 47
Follow the money: Financial cooperation in V4 51
The irresistible draw: China-CEE tourism as a success story 53
The economy of pros and cons: Conclusion and recommendations 55
3. We the people? The challenges of societal relations with China 57
Don’t trust anyone under thirty: Youth cooperation and its perils 64
Collective sports? Support for China before the 2022 Olympics 66
Natural remedy? The curious case of traditional Chinese medicine
as an export commodity 68
The fourth estate and a new global power: Telling the China story 69
People-to-People’s Republic relations: Conclusion and recommendations 71
Authors 73
About CHOICE 75
About AMO 77
Footnotes 79

Empty shell no more: China’s growing footprint in Central and Eastern Europe
7
Summary
→ The 17+1 platform has been
labeled as an ‘empty shell’ with
the assertion that cooperation
between Central and Eastern
Europe with China lacks
substance. A large-scale audit
of relations, however, points
to a more complex scenario.
Relations between China and
Central and Eastern Europe are
growing, encompassing political,
economic and societal domains
and are loaded with action.
→ The fragmented nature of
the information complicates
understanding of the real nature
of 17+1, as in individual states
China’s actions seem scarce
and random. Also the areas
of interaction are treated as
separate. It is only when the
whole picture is analyzed that
the progress and direction of the
17+1 platform become evident.
→ In the past eight years, China
has managed to build a system
of interconnected relations in
Central and Eastern Europe
(CEE), where it was almost
absent before. Paradoxically,
China has contributed to
the conceptualization and
institutionalization of CEE as
a region.
→ Resembling a version of
US alliances in East Asia,
the 17+1 framework can be
characterized by a hub and
spokes logic of cooperation
with China taking the lead in
‘multilateral bilateralism’.
→ Despite its efforts, China has not
transplanted its foreign policy
concepts into the language
of cooperation with Central
and Eastern Europe. On the
contrary, the CEE countries
have successfully shaped the
diplomatic language to stay
in accordance with the EU
framework. 17+1 cooperation
has almost universally led to
the growth of high-level political
contacts between the CEE
countries and China. However,
the development of bilateral
relationships happens on separate
trajectories. It is the activity and
decisions taken by the individual
17 CEE countries rather than the
format itself which shape the level
of engagement.
→ While Hungary and Serbia have
supported China on political
issues, they represent an
exception rather than the rule. The
assumptions that CEE as a whole
has become more forthcoming
towards China on political issues
is not supported by the evidence.
→ China has used the CEE as
a testing ground for more activist
party diplomacy led by the
Chinese Communist Party.
Empty shell no more: China’s growing footprint in Central and Eastern Europe 8
China cultivates relationships with
important political elites to assure
a long-term pro-China inclination
in the respective countries.
→ China has unsuccessfully tried
to assuage the EU’s concerns
about using the format to divide
Europe. The US-China rivalry has
become a factor in CEE relations
with China, with several countries
afraid of endangering their
traditional ties with Washington.
China has tried to walk a fine line
in its approach towards Russia in
CEE.
→ Economic cooperation in 17+1 is
mainly driven by China as it sets
the agenda.
→ China’s economic impact on
CEE countries is still small. CEE
countries are highly dependent
on both trade and investment
relations with developed, mainly
EU member states, while China
represents a minor yet increasing
share. The CEE region is also
far from being among the most
important partners for China.
→ Despite the 17+1 format, China
still handles its economic affairs
on a bilateral basis. Relations
with the countries of the Visegrád
region and Serbia are of particular
importance, while relations with
other CEE countries lag behind.
→ Trade relations remain relatively
limited and unbalanced, leading
to an increased trade deficit in all
17 CEE countries with China.
→ Chinese FDI are modest and
concentrated in a few countries
(Hungary, Czechia and Poland)
with almost no opportunity for
other countries to receive sizable
amounts of investment. Although
financial cooperation has gained
momentum, it is limited to EU
member states.
→ Tourism is the real success story of
economic cooperation within the
framework, since CEE countries
have achieved higher visibility in
China (while a general increase
in the amount of Chinese middle
class travelers may also play
a role).
→ Given the character of the
Chinese system and the high level
of penetration of Chinese society
by the state, people-to-people
contacts actually mean Chinese
government-to-people in relations
with CEE countries.
→ The number of Confucius Institutes
has increased in CEE countries.
Youth cooperation is also on the
rise, with increased numbers of
Chinese government scholarships
issued to CEE students.
→ Politically motivated programs
targeting youth and political
leaders, such as Bridge for the
Future, China-CEE Young Political
Leaders Forum and Political
Parties Dialogue, go largely
unnoticed in all 17 CEE countries.
Empty shell no more: China’s growing footprint in Central and Eastern Europe
9
Recommendations
→ The 17+1 format should not be
discarded. The simplistic view of
Europe being divided by China
through 17+1 should be opposed as
it infantilizes the CEE states and
denies CEE countries their agency.
17 CEE countries should adopt
the ACT strategy proposed in this
paper in their dealings with China.
→ The EU needs to continue
including CEE EU members in
efforts to shape a common EU
policy towards China that should
represent the interests of all
member states.
→ The EU should open a clear path to
membership to the Western Balkan
countries to offset the growth of
China’s political influence. The
EU must play a more active role
in the Western Balkan’s economic
development.
→ The 17 countries should improve
their communication and
coordination in feasible areas to
shift the 17+1 into a multilateral
forum serving primarily their
interests.
→ More attention should be given
to the sub-national (regional,
provincial, etc.) dimension of
China-CEE cooperation that has
largely developed under the radar.
CEE states should pay attention to
the potential politicization of such
cooperation and China’s efforts
to take advantage of the lower
profile of local contacts to avoid
attention.
→ The increased prominence of the
Chinese Communist Party (CCP)
in China’s approach towards the
CEE warrants vigilance. There
should be greater scrutiny by the
civil society and media towards
nontransparent dealings between
the local parties and the CCP.
→ In order to benefit more from
economic cooperation with China,
CEE countries should act together.
Regular 17+0 consultation meetings
should precede summits.
→ The major challenges of trade
relations, such as trade deficit,
cannot be overcome by single
country solutions; CEE countries
should follow the EU’s strategic
aims in trade policy.
→ Coordinated rules should be
established relating to investment
screening also in non-EU member
states.
→ Independent, fact-based media
coverage is needed in order to
achieve greater transparency and
understanding of mechanisms
behind societal cooperation
between China and CEE countries.
→ More public (on EU, state, or
regional levels) as well as private
Empty shell no more: China’s growing footprint in Central and Eastern Europe 10
financial support for academic
institutions researching China
is needed in order to avoid
a situation where Confucius
Institutes and other PRC-related
institutions become the most
influential actors producing and
disseminating knowledge about
Chinese politics, society and
culture.
→ China watchers should exchange
knowledge and experiences across
Europe and with other parts of the
world in order to detect potential
threats to democratic standards
governing the societal level of
cooperation with Chinese actors
outside of the PRC.
→ It remains crucial not to equate
all forms of societal cooperation
with China with potential threats.
The focus should be on achieving
transparency.
→ CEE countries should be aware of
the risks associated with a growing
skepticism towards China turning
into racist attitudes against the
Chinese diaspora, students and
tourists. In order to avoid the
rise of Sinophobia in CEE, clear
divisions should be drawn between
public criticism of government or
party-led activities and Chinese
nationals and their presence in the
region.
Empty shell no more: China’s growing footprint in Central and Eastern Europe
11
Engaging China in 17+1:
Outline of ACT strategy
Ivana Karásková
The 17+1 platform1 has been labeled by some as China’s tool to divide and conquer
Europe.2 At the same time, analysts (the author included) frequently dismissed these
charges, arguing that 17+1 is an ‘empty shell’ and cooperation between Central and
Eastern Europe (CEE) and China lacks substance.3 The divide in understanding of
the platform became apparent when China announced the upgrading of the annual
17+1 summit which was expected to be held in Beijing in April 2020 from the level
of prime ministers to the level of heads of state. The first camp of analysts perceived
it as a worrisome trend, while the latter argued that it is mostly the prime ministers,
not the presidents, who call the shots in Central and Eastern European politics. Thus
the upgrade, they argued, was only symbolic.4
The proponents of the ‘empty shell’ concept, however, seem to be wrong. A largescale
audit of relations between China and the 17 Central and Eastern European
countries points to a more alarming scenario. Substance in relations with China is,
indeed, not lacking, and cooperation between China and Central and Eastern Europe
flourishes, encompassing political, economic and societal dimensions, and is loaded
with action.
The reason why observers missed these developments is two-fold. First, the information
is fragmented. In individual Central and Eastern European states, China’s actions
look scarce and random. 17+1 is neither a multilateral forum, nor a bilateral one.
It is an exercise of ‘multilateral bilateralism’5, resembling the hub and spoke system
of relations, with China acting as a hub in the middle. The spokes, i.e. the Central and
Eastern European countries, exhibit – to their detriment – limited if any cooperation
among themselves. Second, the areas of interaction, be they political, economic or
societal, have been treated as separate. However, 17+1 is not only a political platform,
it breaches politics and enters into domains of economy, youth cooperation, academic
exchanges, sport, health or media cooperation. Only when the whole picture is analyzed,
does the progress and direction of the 17+1 platform become evident.
Over the past eight years, since the inception of 17+1 in 2012, China has managed
to build a system of interconnected relations in CEE, a region where it had
been almost absent before. For the foreseeable future, China will continue to rise in
power and importance. Its increasing global presence, already taken for granted, will
inevitably stimulate its willingness to seek influence through different organizational
and institutional settings, including (sub)regional organizations. Given the fact that
China finds it extremely difficult to ‘infiltrate’ the long-existing ones, it will attempt
to multiply the groupings of its own founding, and will try to extract as much as
possible from those already in existence, such as 17+1.
Empty shell no more: China’s growing footprint in Central and Eastern Europe 12
The fears of Chinese incursions on many levels (technological, economic, political,
or even military) are, factoring in specific regional contexts, substantiated and
the dangers are real. However, a response to the threat of expanding Chinese influence
in the form of shutting Beijing out is, in practical terms, impossible – not least
because it would probably provoke more extreme reactions from the PRC. Instead,
a three-pronged ACT (adapt > counter > target) strategy, modeled on the realities of
the 17+1 initiative, is suggested.
While seemingly obvious, adapting to China’s presence in the region (be it in Central
and Eastern Europe, or elsewhere) may in fact be the hardest component and the
most difficult to pull off correctly. China as an actor and an issue will continue to be
a stable and growing, if often irritating, component of various regional constellations.
Accepting this fact should not be confused with resignation and much less submission
to China’s strategic interests. Quite the contrary: national and international strategies
need to assess the existing and potential scope of China’s presence, define priorities
as well as risks stemming from this phenomenon, and implement or address them
through subsequent policies.
Groupings like 17+1 were clearly born out of China’s intention to create institutional
tools for amplifying its message and increasing its influence. Still, their members
can conceivably utilize them as platforms for countering, limiting or even curbing
China’s heft. The way forward consists in making full use of these organizations’ multilateral
settings. While countries like Czechia, Estonia or Greece may find it difficult
to face Chinese actions alone, there is no formal impediment against them bonding
together and presenting their Chinese partners with a unified position. If China wants
to retain its presence through these institutions, it is more likely (if grudgingly) to
accept the ‘multilateral condition’ than to risk losing its influence altogether.
Once the members of regional platforms like 17+1 rediscover the multiplication
effects inherent in ‘effective multilateralism’, to borrow a phrase from the 2003 European
Security Strategy, they could even turn these platforms into offensive
instruments for targeting China with their specific demands. These might include
widely controversial topics (from the Chinese perspective), such as limits imposed
on Chinese technological companies or concerns with unfair trade practices, but also
more cooperative issues like the need for properly regulating Chinese investment
and improving market access for CEE countries’ products. While the actions of EU
member states need to be in line with the agreed position on China within the EU,
the CEE EU member states can utilize the 17+1 to achieve a better standing in negotiations
not only vis-à-vis China, but also within the EU. The Western Balkans naturally
pivot towards the European Union, despite the unfortunate lack of a credible
and clear enlargement roadmap at the time of writing the publication. The EU should
then open a clear path to membership to the Western Balkan countries to offset the
growth of China’s political influence.
The current debate seems transfixed by the image of China as an omnipotent,
ever-
present and inescapable threat. China is – and will remain – far from it. Even small
states, especially those safely separated from the immediate effects of China’s economic,
political and military might, can succeed in promoting their own interests to their
dealings with the PRC. The ACT strategy provides a general outline for achieving
this objective.
Empty shell no more: China’s growing footprint in Central and Eastern Europe
13
The following chapters analyze relations between China and 17 Central and
Eastern European countries (CEECs) in three separate areas – political, economic
and societal, documenting China’s increasing footprint in the region. The publication
represents the first attempt to systematically audit China-CEE relations. Given the
scope of the endeavor and a lack of information in several areas or specific countries,
the publication does not claim to tackle each and every form of cooperation. Still, it
attempts to uncover and analyze patterns pertaining to the region as a whole.
Ten China experts from Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland,
Serbia, Slovenia, Slovakia and Romania provided their input via a novel and unique
collaborative platform, China Observers in Central and Eastern Europe (CHOICE),
in order to reach realistic and achievable suggestions for a joint action plan of CEE
countries within the outlined ACT strategy. 

how might you divide africa into 4 regions whose people have the common needs in being included in world trade and local community sustainability goals

 

perhaps- north and west coasts that are french speaking and see their relationsips across med sea graviate one compass

as yiu turn round south africa the ports from burban in south afrca up the coast mainly used by english speaking countries to trade with asia make secind group

3rd this group suggested by chatham house  Egypt and the Gulf Arab region have long been important poles of political, military, economic and cultural power and influence in the Middle East. A recently published Chatham House paper, examines the strategic and economic relationship between Egypt and the Gulf focusing in particular on the period since Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi came to power in Egypt. Author David Butter offers a detailed evaluation of these economic relationships, in the broader context of a strategic alliance that, since 2013, has been informed by a common commitment between Egypt and the UAE in particular to keep in check the Muslim Brotherhood and its regional state supporters, primarily Turkey and Qatar.


In this webinar, the author will discuss the paper’s main argument, namely, that the degree of Egypt’s dependence on Gulf countries has fluctuated, and that by 2019, Egypt’s direct financial dependence on the Gulf was significantly reduced by comparison with the initial three years of the Sisi era, although other economic linkages such as investment, trade, remittances and tourism remained strong, with potential for growth. The speaker will also discuss the impact of the global crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic on Egypt’s and Gulf countries’ economies and will explore the implications for the relationship between Egypt and the Gulf.

4th large landlocked nations with huge resources as well as other nations that dont feel aligbed with 1-3 

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Alibaba founder Jack Ma unveils ambitious plan

Mission: 100 million new jobs

By Dana McCauley


He already runs the world's biggest online shopping company, but Alibaba founder Jack Ma is not satisfied.

The Chinese billionaire has unveiled an even more ambitious plan to expand the company's reach across the globe, creating 100 million new jobs and transforming the global economy to create a more equitable world.

It may sound pie-in-the-sky, but the goal forms part of mission statement of the US$261 billion company's visionary executive chairman.

In a letter to shareholders, Ma outlined Alibaba's achievements of the past financial year - including a gross merchandise turnover of more than $195 billion (1 trillion RMB), an "unprecedented" figure - before looking to the future.

"We have more than 430 million annual active buyers, which means one out of every three individuals in China has made a purchase on our retail marketplaces," Ma wrote.

But, he said, while proud of Alibaba's online shopping achievements, "we want to do far more", saying that the benefits of globalisation had not been spread evenly, but that "digital disruption will bring us closer to a level playing field for young people and small businesses".

"We are not merely trying to shift buy/sell transactions from offline to online, nor are we changing conventional digital marketing models to squeeze out a little additional profit," he wrote.

"We are working to create the fundamental digital and physical infrastructure for the future of commerce, which includes marketplaces, payments, logistics, cloud computing, big data and a host of other fields."

The Alibaba group of companies, founded in 1999, accounts for 60 per cent of all Chinese online sales, and this year overtook Walmart as the world's largest retailer.

 

It has made Ma the second richest man in Asia, with a net worth of US$28.5 billion.

THE NEW 'NATURAL RESOURCE'

It's through cloud computing that Alibaba aims to expand its reach, and the company has been investing in the technology as part of a strategy that sees shoppers' data as the contemporary equivalent of mineral riches.

"Over the next 30 years, with computing power as the new 'technology breakthrough' and data as the new 'natural resource,' the landscape of retail, financial services, manufacturing and entertainment will be transformed," Ma wrote, forecasting a decades-long period of transformation.

"The internet revolution is a historical inflection point, much like when electricity was introduced, and it may have an even greater impact," he predicted.

Alibaba's mission, he said, was to "empower merchants with the ability to transform and upgrade their businesses for the future" and "help companies all over the world to grow".

"We believe, the commerce infrastructure we have created in China - marketplaces, payments, logistics, cloud computing and big data, all working in concert - can be applied on a global scale to lift up small and medium businesses and ordinary consumers around the world."

Eight years after launching, Alibaba Cloud hosts 35 per cent of Chinese websites, while delivering cloud computing and big data services.

'100 MILLION NEW JOBS'

Ma said Alibaba was constantly adapting to the changing e-commerce environment, as staying at the forefront of innovation was key to its continued success.

"In the coming years, we anticipate the birth of a re-imagined retail industry driven by the integration of online, offline, logistics and data across a single value chain," he said.

"With e-commerce itself rapidly becoming a "traditional business," pure e-commerce players will soon face tremendous challenges."

A shift to mobile revenue was one such change, he said, with mobile climbing from a single-digit percentage to three-years of total revenue from Alibaba's Chinese retail marketplaces, in the space of two years.

"This is why we are adapting, and it's why we strive to play a major role in the advancement of this new economic environment," Ma said.

Innovations like Alibaba's Qianniu app, which helps online businesses to improve sales and marketing while enhancing efficiency, were an example of the type of projects the company aimed to focus on.

"In 20 years, we hope to serve two billion consumers around the world, empower 10 million profitable businesses and create 100 million jobs," Ma said, adding: "This will be an even more difficult journey than the one behind us."

news.com.au

 
 
LISTEN : Newstalk ZB Political Editor Barry Soper speaks to Andrew Dickens on KPMG Early Edition

Mr Ma - who's worth around $50 billion - met with John Key in Beijing late yesterday. He made his money through founding the online commerce platform Ali Baba.

Standing alongside the Prime Minister, he heaped praise on the country, which he says is loved by many Chinese.

"At least 20 of my colleagues retired from Ali Baba. They're all very young, in their 40s, they all go to New Zealand."

"I asked what they do apart from the golf and green things and they say it's the people there."

It wasn't all social, with the Chinese billionaire also talking business.

Jack Ma told the entrepreneurs luncheon Kiwi businesspeople find it difficult to access the Chinese market.

Mr Ma said he wants to make that easier with his multi-platform organisation.

"We have Ali Baba University. We would either have courses in New Zealand or invite the entrepreneurs in New Zealand to stay in China for two weeks for training."

"The second is that we're going to open an Ali Baba business embassy next year in New Zealand."

John Key is in China meeting business and political leaders.

 

 


Innovation "Made in China" - The Case of Alibaba and the role of Net-based Small Business

Innovation is a key driver for economic development and social progress and small business is one of the best ways for people to express their willingness and capability to innovate.  Pervasive business ownership has, therefore, been the foundation in many societies for the continued improvement of people’s economic wellbeing. In the People’ Republic of China, however, private business ownership was prohibited between 1957 and 1978. Productive innovations were extremely restricted and as a consequence, China’s economy was on the verge of collapse by the end of 1978. The Chinese people had suffered a historic setback.

Alibaba’s growth, driven by unleashing grassroots entrepreneurship, has become an exemplar of China’s innovation in the 21st century.  Started by 18 young people in 1999, Alibaba has grown into a giant global internet platform and has made many invaluable contributions to China’s progress. Highlighting the importance of pervasive small business ownership in unleashing grassroots innovation and improving economic wellbeing, Professor Lowrey will discuss Alibaba’s innovative strategies and explain the economic theory behind its inspiring success.

 

 

 

Dr. Ying Lowrey is Professor of Economics at Tsinghua University and Deputy Director of the Tsinghua Research Center for Chinese Entrepreneurs, and a member of the Academic Committee for Alibaba Group Research Institute. Her teaching and research interests include economics of innovation and entrepreneurship in the internet and platform economy, the modern microfinance market, business demographics, characteristics of business owners, and the role of free enterprise and competition in the macroeconomy. 

She received her economics Ph.D. from Duke University, economics MA from Yale University and mathematics BS from Wuhan University. Before joining Tsinghua University in 2012, she served as senior economist at the Office of Advocacy, U.S. Small Business Administration and has taught economics at George Washington University and San Diego State University.

 

Selected publications 

 

 100millionjobcrisis

100millionjobcrisis

Founder of Ali Baba commits his work for Chinese on internet to generate 100 million microentrepren…chris macraeNov 23, 200950 views

Founder of Ali Baba commits his work for Chinese on internet to generate 100 million microentrepreneur jobs in 2010s - who else would you vote at the centre of 100 million job creation leagues?
=====================update sumer 2016:
unlike oiher years spent with bangaldeshi inspired youth, i spent 2015-2016 mainly with a class of chinese female students - what brilliant minds and tirelss sources of human energy - i hope this summary of why the whole world can celebrate what jack ma is doing is near to the mark - but as always look forward to editing any errors which are mine alone
chris.macrae@yahoo.co.uk washington dc text 240 316 8157
======================
was english language tutoring

In 1995 he was sent to the usa on an exchange mission and encountered the worldwideweb - then unknown in China. He determined the www would be the biggest job creating innovation of his (or his generations) life and hopefully of every Chinese entrepreneur he could valuably link into.

Over the next 15 years his wizard coding teams went from something that was little more than an electronic yellow pages for small businesses to conceiving sustainability generation's 2 greatest retailing platforms china or the world may ever have seen..

the taobao platform is the most valuable job creating concept retailers have ever mediated because it reverses the western trend of globalisiation of retailers, bankers and big corporations squeezing out local and small enterprises from having a market; how taobao did that is an extraordinarily detailed story but note how Ma was concerned to ensure even the most cut-off of Chinese villagers could start up on tao bao (rural ecommerce is one of the innovations that Ma has led the www purpose to linkin)

His other mall was pitched at the more usual high cost fashions of big global merchandisers. Because of complex property laws in chinese cities, most expensive retailers are not much of a joy to shop in. So ali baba created a lifestyle -eg celebrate singles day 11/11 shopping virtually rather than the physically exhausting interaction in The West's biggest shopping days of the year)

SO 365/24/7 consumers of ali baba can choose who they value developing most with their purchasing power as well as searching merchandise with global image or local cultural joy

Alibaba has become china's and probably the word's largest retailing channel. It does this with next to no merchandise but brilliant coding so that every store front on its platforms delivers with equal reliability. Hunting out exactly how Ma forms partnerships so that big data analysis benefits the smallest enterprises and most local consumers ought to be a job of whomever is sustainability goals greatest economist.

Intriguingly to ensure he could compete with the chinese internet companies that raced to co-create the www that Ma had opened space for in china, Ma IPO'd Alibaba through a process 2010-2015 while developing his secret sustainability weapon under private ownership. AlIpay is china's number 1 financial inclusion delivery system and maybe global youth most humanly productive coding achievement to date.

Comparing china's top 10 internet properties with the west's is very interesting. Are the consuming behaviours on ali baba more sustainable than those on amazon or ebay or paypal? Are the learnng behaviours on baidu more sustaining of youth than on google or coursera or microsoft's linkedin. Time will tell but note how speaking english, chinese and coding (as well as mother tongue) are probably what educators anywhere on planet earth should NOW be most valuing their global youth's future freedom to thrive entrepreneurially around.

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